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Woman With Noma Tokyo Reservation Seeks Date

Woman With Noma Tokyo Reservation Seeks Date


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A woman with a reservation to Noma Tokyo is taking date applications

A San Francisco woman has a reservation for two to Noma Tokyo, and she's looking for a date to share it with.

A woman with one of the most sought-after reservations in the world is looking for a date to share it with, and she’s taking applications.

At Nerdgirl.com, San Francisco entrepreneur Stephanie Robesky posted an announcement that she had acquired a reservation for two at Noma Tokyo for her 39th birthday, and she was looking for a date.

Noma, arguably the best restaurant in the world, is normally in Copenhagen, but chef René Redzepi moved the entire staff to Tokyo, where it will operate from January 9 through February 14. Dinner plus wine pairings at Noma Tokyo runs 64,700 yen, or $544 per person. When reservations became available, more than 60,000 people reportedly applied. Robesky was one of the lucky ones.

“Yes, there were 60,000 people who tried to get this reservation and I am lucky enough to have secured one for two. And, sadly, I don’t have a dining companion,” she wrote. “So I decided since I’m single and dateless on what will be my 39th birthday that I would open up the opportunity for someone to take advantage of this crazy, once in a lifetime meal and find myself a date. Could it be you?”

Robesky says she will be paying for the meal and wine pairings for her date, but the date must arrange and pay for his own travel to Tokyo and accommodations once there. She says she is looking for a single man from the Bay Area between the ages of 28 and 46 who is easy on the eyes, a good conversationalist, knows “how to use a fork and knife properly,” and likes hairless cats. She made a survey for prospective applicants to fill out and says she will narrow it down to three prospective dates, and then select her Noma companion by January 16.


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Contents

Pre-modern Edit

The Ainu are the native people of Hokkaido, Sakhalin, and the Kurils. Early Ainu-speaking groups (mostly hunters and fishermen) migrated also into the Kamchatka Peninsula and into Honshu, where their descendants are today known as the Matagi hunters, which still use a large amount of Ainu vocabulary in their dialect. Other evidence for Ainu-speaking hunters and fishermen migrating down from northern Hokkaido into Honshu is through the Ainu toponyms which are found in several places of northern Honshu, mostly among the western coast and the Tōhoku region. Evidence for Ainu-speakers in the Amur region is found through Ainu loanwords in the Uilta and Ulch people. [11]

Recent research suggests that Ainu culture originated from a merger of the Okhotsk and Satsumon cultures. [12] [13] According to Lee and Hasegawa, the Ainu-speakers descend from the Okhotsk people which rapidly expanded from northern Hokkaido into the Kurils and Honshu. These early inhabitants did not speak the Japanese language some were conquered by the Japanese early in the 9th century. [14] In 1264, the Ainu invaded the land of the Nivkh people. The Ainu also started an expedition into the Amur region, which was then controlled by the Yuan Dynasty, resulting in reprisals by the Mongols who invaded Sakhalin. [15] [16] Active contact between the Wa-jin (the ethnically Japanese, also known as Yamato-jin) and the Ainu of Ezogashima (now known as Hokkaidō) began in the 13th century. [17] The Ainu formed a society of hunter-gatherers, surviving mainly by hunting and fishing. They followed a religion which was based on natural phenomena. [18]

During the Muromachi period (1336–1573), many Ainu were subject to Japanese rule. Disputes between the Japanese and Ainu developed into large-scale violence, Koshamain's Revolt, in 1456. Takeda Nobuhiro killed the Ainu leader, Koshamain.

During the Edo period (1601–1868) the Ainu, who controlled the northern island which is now named Hokkaidō, became increasingly involved in trade with the Japanese who controlled the southern portion of the island. The Tokugawa bakufu (feudal government) granted the Matsumae clan exclusive rights to trade with the Ainu in the northern part of the island. Later, the Matsumae began to lease out trading rights to Japanese merchants, and contact between Japanese and Ainu became more extensive. Throughout this period Ainu groups competed with each other to import goods from the Japanese, and epidemic diseases such as smallpox reduced the population. [19] Although the increased contact created by the trade between the Japanese and the Ainu contributed to increased mutual understanding, it also led to conflict which occasionally intensified into violent Ainu revolts. The most important was Shakushain's Revolt (1669–1672), an Ainu rebellion against Japanese authority. Another large-scale revolt by Ainu against Japanese rule was the Menashi-Kunashir Battle in 1789.

From 1799 to 1806, the shogunate took direct control of southern Hokkaidō. Ainu men were deported to merchant subcontractors for five and ten-year terms of service, and were enticed with rewards of food and clothing if they agreed to drop their native language and culture and become Japanese. Ainu women were separated from their husbands and forcibly married to Japanese merchants and fishermen, who were told that a taboo forbade them from bringing their wives to Hokkaidō. Women were often tortured if they resisted rape by their new Japanese husbands, and frequently ran away into the mountains. These policies of family separation and forcible assimilation, combined with the impact of smallpox, caused the Ainu population to drop significantly in the early 19th century. [20]

Meiji Restoration and later Edit

In the 18th century, there were 80,000 Ainu. [21] In 1868, there were about 15,000 Ainu in Hokkaidō, 2000 in Sakhalin and around 100 in the Kuril islands. [22]

The beginning of the Meiji Restoration in 1868 proved a turning point for Ainu culture. The Japanese government introduced a variety of social, political, and economic reforms in hope of modernizing the country in the Western style. One innovation involved the annexation of Hokkaidō. Sjöberg quotes Baba's (1890) account of the Japanese government's reasoning: [19]

. The development of Japan's large northern island had several objectives: First, it was seen as a means to defend Japan from a rapidly developing and expansionist Russia. Second . it offered a solution to the unemployment for the former samurai class . Finally, development promised to yield the needed natural resources for a growing capitalist economy. [23]

In 1899, the Japanese government passed an act labelling the Ainu as "former aborigines", with the idea they would assimilate—this resulted in the Japanese government taking the land where the Ainu people lived and placing it from then on under Japanese control. [24] Also at this time, the Ainu were granted automatic Japanese citizenship, effectively denying them the status of an indigenous group.

The Ainu were becoming increasingly marginalized on their own land—over a period of only 36 years, the Ainu went from being a relatively isolated group of people to having their land, language, religion and customs assimilated into those of the Japanese. [25] In addition to this, the land the Ainu lived on was distributed to the Wa-Jin who had decided to move to Hokkaidō, encouraged by the Japanese government of the Meiji era to take advantage of the island's abundant natural resources, and to create and maintain farms in the model of Western industrial agriculture. While at the time, the process was openly referred to as colonization ( 拓殖 , takushoku) , the notion was later reframed by Japanese elites to the currently common usage 開拓 (kaitaku) , which instead conveys a sense of opening up or reclamation of the Ainu lands. [26] As well as this, factories such as flour mills, beer breweries and mining practices resulted in the creation of infrastructure such as roads and railway lines, during a development period that lasted until 1904. [27] During this time, the Ainu were forced to learn Japanese, required to adopt Japanese names, and ordered to cease religious practices such as animal sacrifice and the custom of tattooing. [28]

The same act applied to the native Ainu on Sakhalin after the Japanese annexion and incorporation of the Karafuto Prefecture. Some historians noted that the Ainu language was still an important lingua franca in Sakhalin. Asahi (2005) reported that the status of the Ainu language was rather high and was also used by early Russian and Japanese administrative officials to communicate with each other and with the indigenous people. [29]

The 1899 act was replaced in 1997—until then the government had stated there were no ethnic minority groups. [13] It was not until June 6, 2008, that Japan formally recognised the Ainu as an indigenous group (see § Official recognition in Japan). [13]

The vast majority of these Wa-Jin men are believed to have compelled Ainu women to partner with them as local wives. [30] Intermarriage between Japanese and Ainu was actively promoted by the Ainu to lessen the chances of discrimination against their offspring. As a result, many Ainu are indistinguishable from their Japanese neighbors, but some Ainu-Japanese are interested in traditional Ainu culture. For example, Oki, born as a child of an Ainu father and a Japanese mother, became a musician who plays the traditional Ainu instrument tonkori. [31] There are also many small towns in the southeastern or Hidaka region where ethnic Ainu live such as in Nibutani (Niputay). Many live in Sambutsu especially, on the eastern coast. In 1966 the number of "pure" Ainu was about 300. [32]

Their most widely known ethnonym is derived from the word "ainu", which means 'human' (particularly as opposed to kamui, divine beings). Ainu also identify themselves as "Utari" ('comrade' or 'people' in the Ainu language). Official documents use both names.

Official recognition in Japan Edit

On June 6, 2008, the government of Japan passed a bipartisan, non-binding resolution calling upon the government to recognize the Ainu people as indigenous to Hokkaido, and urging an end to discrimination against the group. The resolution recognized the Ainu people as "an indigenous people with a distinct language, religion and culture". The government immediately followed with a statement acknowledging its recognition, stating, "The government would like to solemnly accept the historical fact that many Ainu were discriminated against and forced into poverty with the advancement of modernization, despite being legally equal to (Japanese) people." [25] [33] In February 2019, the Japanese government consolidated the legal status of the Ainu people by passing a bill which officially recognizes the Ainu as an indigenous people, based on Article 14 of the Constitution, "all of the people are equal under the law" and bans discrimination by race. Furthermore, the bill aims at simplifying procedures for getting various permissions from authorities in regards to the traditional lifestyle of the Ainu and nurture the identity and cultures of the Ainu without defining the ethnic group by blood lineage. [34] A bill passed in April 2019 officially recognizes the Ainu of Hokkaidō as the indigenous people of Japan. [35]

According to the Asahi Shimbun, [36] the Ainu were due to participate in the opening ceremony of the Olympic games 2020 in Japan, but due to logistical constraints this was dropped in February 2020. [37]

Upopoy National Ainu Museum and Park opened on July 12, 2020. The space was scheduled to open on April 24, 2020, prior to the Tokyo Olympic and Paralympic Games scheduled in the same year, in Shiraoi, Hokkaidō. The park will serve as base for the protection and promotion of Ainu people, culture and language. [38] The museum promotes the culture and habits of the Ainu people who are the original inhabitants of Hokkaidō. Upopoy in Ainu language means "singing in a large group". The National Ainu Museum building has images and videos exhibiting the history and daily life of the Ainu. [39]

Official recognition in Russia Edit

As a result of the Treaty of Saint Petersburg (1875), the Kuril Islands – along with their Ainu inhabitants – came under Japanese administration. A total of 83 North Kuril Ainu arrived in Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky on September 18, 1877, after they decided to remain under Russian rule. They refused the offer by Russian officials to move to new reservations in the Commander Islands. Finally a deal was reached in 1881 and the Ainu decided to settle in the village of Yavin. In March 1881, the group left Petropavlovsk and started the journey towards Yavin on foot. Four months later they arrived at their new homes. Another village, Golygino, was founded later. Under Soviet rule, both the villages were forced to disband and residents were moved to the Russian-dominated Zaporozhye rural settlement in Ust-Bolsheretsky Raion. [40] As a result of intermarriage, the three ethnic groups assimilated to form the Kamchadal community. In 1953, K. Omelchenko, the minister for the protection of military and state secrets in the USSR, banned the press from publishing any more information on the Ainu living in the USSR. This order was revoked after two decades. [41]

As of 2015 [update] , the North Kuril Ainu of Zaporozhye form the largest Ainu subgroup in Russia. The Nakamura clan (South Kuril Ainu on their paternal side), the smallest group, numbers just six people residing in Petropavlovsk. On Sakhalin island, a few dozen people identify themselves as Sakhalin Ainu, but many more with partial Ainu ancestry do not acknowledge it. Most of the 888 Japanese people living in Russia (2010 Census) are of mixed Japanese–Ainu ancestry, although they do not acknowledge it (full Japanese ancestry gives them the right of visa-free entry to Japan. [42] ) Similarly, no one identifies themselves as Amur Valley Ainu, although people with partial descent live in Khabarovsk. There is no evidence of living descendants of the Kamchatka Ainu.

In the 2010 Census of Russia, close to 100 people tried to register themselves as ethnic Ainu in the village, but the governing council of Kamchatka Krai rejected their claim and enrolled them as ethnic Kamchadal. [41] [43] In 2011, the leader of the Ainu community in Kamchatka, Alexei Vladimirovich Nakamura, requested that Vladimir Ilyukhin (Governor of Kamchatka) and Boris Nevzorov (Chairman of the State Duma) include the Ainu in the central list of the Indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East. This request was also turned down. [44]

Ethnic Ainu living in Sakhalin Oblast and Khabarovsk Krai are not organized politically. According to Alexei Nakamura, as of 2012 [update] only 205 Ainu live in Russia (up from just 12 people who self-identified as Ainu in 2008) and they along with the Kurile Kamchadals (Itelmen of Kuril islands) are fighting for official recognition. [45] [46] Since the Ainu are not recognized in the official list of the peoples living in Russia, they are counted as people without nationality or as ethnic Russians or Kamchadal. [47]

The Ainu have emphasized that they were the natives of the Kuril islands and that the Japanese and Russians were both invaders. [48] In 2004, the small Ainu community living in Russia in Kamchatka Krai wrote a letter to Vladimir Putin, urging him to reconsider any move to award the Southern Kuril Islands to Japan. In the letter they blamed the Japanese, the Tsarist Russians and the Soviets for crimes against the Ainu such as killings and assimilation, and also urged him to recognize the Japanese genocide against the Ainu people—which was turned down by Putin. [49]

As of 2012 [update] both the Kuril Ainu and Kuril Kamchadal ethnic groups lack the fishing and hunting rights which the Russian government grants to the indigenous tribal communities of the far north. [50] [51]

In March 2017, Alexei Nakamura revealed that plans for an Ainu village to be created in Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky, and plans for an Ainu dictionary are underway. [52]

The Ainu have often been considered to descend from the diverse Jōmon people, who lived in northern Japan from the Jōmon period [53] (c. 14,000 to 300 BCE). One of their Yukar Upopo, or legends, tells that "[t]he Ainu lived in this place a hundred thousand years before the Children of the Sun came". [23]

Recent research suggests that the historical Ainu culture originated from a merger of the Okhotsk culture with the Satsumon culture, cultures thought to have derived from the diverse Jōmon-period cultures of the Japanese archipelago. [54] [55]

The Ainu economy was based on farming, as well as on hunting, fishing and gathering. [56]

According to Lee and Hasegawa of the Waseda University, the direct ancestors of the later Ainu people formed during the late Jōmon period from the combination of a distinctive Paleolithic population (likely from Central Asia) and a Northeast Asian population (Okhotsk) in northern Hokkaido, long before the arrival of contemporary Japanese people. Lee and Hasegawa suggest that the Ainu language expanded from northern Hokkaido and may have originated from the Northeast Asian/Okhotsk population, which established themselves in northern Hokkaido and had significant impact on the formation of Hokkaido's Jōmon culture. [57] [58]

The linguist and historian Joran Smale similarly found that the Ainu language likely originated from the ancient Okhotsk people, which had strong cultural influence on the "Epi-Jōmon" of southern Hokkaido and northern Honshu, but that the Ainu people themselves formed from the combination of both ancient groups. Additionally he notes that the historical distribution of Ainu dialects and its specific vocabulary correspond to the distribution of the maritime Okhotsk culture. [59]

Genetics Edit

Paternal lineages Edit

Genetic testing has shown that the Ainu belong mainly to Y-DNA haplogroup D-M55 (D1a2) and C-M217. [60] Y DNA haplogroup D M55 is found throughout the Japanese Archipelago, but with very high frequencies among the Ainu of Hokkaidō in the far north, and to a lesser extent among the Ryukyuans in the Ryukyu Islands of the far south. [61] Recently it was confirmed that the Japanese branch of haplogroup D M55 is distinct and isolated from other D branches for more than 53,000 years. [62]

Several studies (Hammer et al. 2006, Shinoda 2008, Matsumoto 2009, Cabrera et al. 2018) suggest that haplogroup D originated somewhere in Central Asia. According to Hammer et al., the ancestral haplogroup D originated between Tibet and the Altai mountains. He suggests that there were multiple waves into Eastern Eurasia. [63]

A study by Tajima et al. (2004) found two out of a sample of sixteen Ainu men (or 12.5%) belong to Haplogroup C M217, which is the most common Y chromosome haplogroup among the indigenous populations of Siberia and Mongolia. [60] Hammer et al. (2006) found that one in a sample of four Ainu men belonged to haplogroup C M217. [64]

Maternal lineages Edit

In addition, haplogroups D4, D5, M7b, M9a, M10, G, A, B, and F have been found in Jōmon people as well. [68] [69] These mtDNA haplogroups were found in various Jōmon samples and in some modern Japanese people. [70]

Autosomal DNA Edit

A 2004 reevaluation of cranial traits suggests that the Ainu resemble the Okhotsk more than they do the Jōmon. [71] This agrees with the references to the Ainu as a merger of Okhotsk and Satsumon referenced above. Similarly more recent studies link the Ainu to the local Hokkaido Jōmon period samples, such as the 3,800 year old Rebun sample. [72] [73]

Genetic analyses of HLA I and HLA II genes as well as HLA-A, -B, and -DRB1 gene frequencies links the Ainu to some Indigenous peoples of the Americas. The scientists suggest that the main ancestor of the Ainu and of Native Americans can be traced back to Paleolithic groups in Siberia. [74]

Hideo Matsumoto (2009) suggested, based on immunoglobulin analyses, that the Ainu (and Jōmon) have a Siberian origin. Compared with other East Asian populations, the Ainu have the highest amount of Siberian (immunoglobulin) components, higher than mainland Japanese people. [75]

A 2012 genetic study has revealed that the closest genetic relatives of the Ainu are the Ryukyuan people, followed by the Yamato people and Nivkh. [5]

A genetic study by Kanazawa-Kiriyama in 2013 found that the Ainu people (including samples from Hokkaido and Tōhoku) are closer to ancient and modern Northeast Asians (especially Udege people of eastern Siberia) than opposed to the geographically close Kantō Jōmon period samples. According to the authors, these results add to the internal-diversity observed among the Jōmon period population and that a significant percentage of the Jōmon period people had ancestry from a Northeast Asian source population, suggested to be the source of the proto-Ainu language and culture, which is not detected in samples from Kantō. [76]

A genetic analysis in 2016 showed that although the Ainu have some genetic relations to the Japanese people and Eastern Siberians (especially Itelmens and Chukchis), they are not closely related to any modern ethnic group. Further, the study detected genetic contribution from the Ainu to populations around the Sea of Okhotsk but no genetic influence on the Ainu themselves. According to the study, the Ainu-like genetic contribution in the Ulch people is about 17.8% or 13.5% and about 27.2% in the Nivkhs. The study also disproved the idea about a relation to Andamanese or Tibetans instead, it presented evidence of gene flow between the Ainu and "lowland East Asian farmer populations" (represented in the study by the Ami and Atayal in Taiwan, and the Dai and Lahu in Mainland East Asia). [77]

A genetic study in 2016 about historical Ainu samples from southern Sakhalin (8) and northern Hokkaido (4), found that these samples were closely related to ancient Okhotsk people and various other Northeast Asians, such as indigenous populations in Kamchatka (Itelmens) and North America. The authors conclude that this points to heterogeneity among Ainu, as other studies reported a rather isolated position of analyzed Ainu samples of southern Hokkaido. [78]

Recent autosomal evidence suggests that the Ainu derive a majority of their ancestry from the Jomon people. A 2019 study by Gakuhari et al., analyzing ancient Jomon remains, finds about 79.3% Hokkaido Jomon ancestry in the Ainu. [79] Another 2019 study (by Kanazawa-Kiriyama et al.) finds about 66%. [80]

Physical Description Edit

Ainu men have abundant wavy hair and often have long beards. [81]

The book of Ainu Life and Legends by author Kyōsuke Kindaichi (published by the Japanese Tourist Board in 1942) contains a physical description of Ainu: "Many have wavy hair, but some straight black hair. Very few of them have wavy brownish hair. Their skins are generally reported to be light brown. But this is due to the fact that they labor on the sea and in briny winds all day. Old people who have long desisted from their outdoor work are often found to be as white as western men. The Ainu have broad faces, beetling eyebrows, and large sunken eyes, which are generally horizontal and of the so-called European type. Eyes of the Mongolian type are hardly found among them." [ citation needed ]

A study by Kura et al. 2014 based on cranial and genetic characteristics suggests a predominantly Northeastern Asian ("Arctic") origin for the majority of Ainu people. Thus, despite some Ainu having morphological similarities to Caucasoid populations, the Ainu are essentially of North Asiatic origin. Genetic evidence support a relation with Arctic populations, such as the Chukchi people. [82]

A study by Omoto has shown that the Ainu are more related to other East Asian groups (previously mentioned as 'Mongoloid') than to Western Eurasian groups (formerly termed as "Caucasian"), on the basis of fingerprints and dental morphology. [83]

A study published in the scientific journal "Nature" by Jinam et al. 2015, using genome-wide SNP data comparison, found that the some Ainu have gene alleles associated with facial features which are commonly found among Europeans but absent from Japanese people and other East Asians, but these alleles are not found in all tested Ainu samples. [84]

Russo-Japanese War Edit

Ainu men were first recruited into the Japanese military in 1898. [85] Sixty-four Ainu served in the Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905), eight of whom died in battle or from illness contracted during military service. Two received the Order of the Golden Kite, granted for bravery, leadership or command in battle.

Second World War Edit

During World War II, Australian troops engaged in the hard-fought Kokoda Track campaign (July–November 1942) in New Guinea, were surprised by the physique and fighting prowess of the first Japanese troops they encountered.

During that day's fighting [30 August 1942] we saw many Japanese of large physique, powerfully built men of six feet and over. These tough assault troops came from Hokkaidō, a northern Japanese island of freezing winters, where the bears roamed freely. They were known in their own country as "Dosanko" a name for horses from Hokkaidō, and they withstood splendidly the harsh climate of the Owen Stanley Range. A 2/14th Battalion officer said to me: "I couldn't believe it when I saw these big bastards bearing down on us. I thought they must be Germans in disguise." [86]

In 2008 Hohmann gave an estimate of fewer than 100 remaining speakers of the language [87] other research (Vovin 1993) placed the number at fewer than 15 speakers. Vovin has characterised the language as "almost extinct". [88] As a result of this, the study of the Ainu language is limited and is based largely on historical research.

Despite the small number of native speakers of Ainu, there is an active movement to revitalize the language, mainly in Hokkaidō, but also elsewhere such as Kanto. [89] Ainu oral literature has been documented both in hopes of safeguarding it for future generations, as well as using it as a teaching tool for language learners. [90] As of 2011 there has been an increasing number of second-language learners, especially in Hokkaidō, in large part due to the pioneering efforts of the late Ainu folklorist, activist and former Diet member Shigeru Kayano, himself a native speaker, who first opened an Ainu language school in 1987 funded by Ainu Kyokai. [91]

Although some researchers have attempted to show that the Ainu language and the Japanese language are related, modern scholars have rejected the idea that the relationship goes beyond contact (such as the mutual borrowing of words between Japanese and Ainu). No attempt to show a relationship with Ainu to any other language has gained wide acceptance, and linguists currently classify Ainu as a language isolate. [92] Most Ainu people speak either the Japanese language or the Russian language.

Concepts expressed with prepositions (such as to, from, by, in, and at) in English appear as postpositional forms in Ainu (postpositions come after the word that they modify). A single sentence in Ainu can comprise many added or agglutinated sounds or affixes that represent nouns or ideas.

The Ainu language has had no indigenous system of writing, and has historically been transliterated using the Japanese kana or Russian Cyrillic. As of 2019 [update] it is typically written either in katakana or in the Latin alphabet.

Many of the Ainu dialects, even those from different extremities of Hokkaidō, were not mutually intelligible however, all Ainu speakers understood the classic Ainu language of the Yukar, or epic stories. Without a writing system, the Ainu were masters of narration, with the Yukar and other forms of narration such as the Uepeker (Uwepeker) tales being committed to memory and related at gatherings which often lasted many hours or even days. [93]

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Traditional Ainu culture was quite different from Japanese culture. According to Tanaka Sakurako from the University of British Columbia, the Ainu culture can be included into a wider "northern circumpacific region", referring to various indigenous cultures of Northeast Asia and "beyond the Bering Strait" in North America. [94]

Never shaving after a certain age, the men had full beards and moustaches. Men and women alike cut their hair level with the shoulders at the sides of the head, trimmed semicircularly behind. The women tattooed their mouths, and sometimes the forearms. The mouth tattoos were started at a young age with a small spot on the upper lip, gradually increasing with size. The soot deposited on a pot hung over a fire of birch bark was used for colour. Their traditional dress was a robe spun from the inner bark of the elm tree, called attusi or attush. Various styles were made, and consisted generally of a simple short robe with straight sleeves, which was folded around the body, and tied with a band about the waist. The sleeves ended at the wrist or forearm and the length generally was to the calves. Women also wore an undergarment of Japanese cloth. [95]

Modern craftswomen weave and embroider traditional garments that command very high prices. In winter the skins of animals were worn, with leggings of deerskin and in Sakhalin, boots were made from the skin of dogs or salmon. [96] Ainu culture considers earrings, traditionally made from grapevines, to be gender neutral. Women also wear a beaded necklace called a tamasay. [95]

Their traditional cuisine consists of the flesh of bear, fox, wolf, badger, ox, or horse, as well as fish, fowl, millet, vegetables, herbs, and roots. They never ate raw fish or flesh it was always boiled or roasted. [95]

Their traditional habitations were reed-thatched huts, the largest 20 ft (6 m) square, without partitions and having a fireplace in the center. There was no chimney, only a hole at the angle of the roof there was one window on the eastern side and there were two doors. The house of the village head was used as a public meeting place when one was needed. [95] Another kind of traditional Ainu house was called chise. [97]

Instead of using furniture, they sat on the floor, which was covered with two layers of mats, one of rush, the other of a water plant with long sword shaped leaves (Iris pseudacorus) and for beds they spread planks, hanging mats around them on poles, and employing skins for coverlets. The men used chopsticks when eating the women had wooden spoons. [95] Ainu cuisine is not commonly eaten outside Ainu communities only a few restaurants in Japan serve traditional Ainu dishes, mainly in Tokyo [98] and Hokkaidō. [99]

The functions of judgeship were not entrusted to chiefs an indefinite number of a community's members sat in judgment upon its criminals. Capital punishment did not exist, nor did the community resort to imprisonment. Beating was considered a sufficient and final penalty. However, in the case of murder, the nose and ears of the culprit were cut off or the tendons of his feet severed. [95]

Hunting Edit

The Ainu hunted from late autumn to early summer. [100] The reasons for this were, among others, that in late autumn, plant gathering, salmon fishing and other activities of securing food came to an end, and hunters readily found game in fields and mountains in which plants had withered.

A village possessed a hunting ground of its own or several villages used a joint hunting territory (iwor). [101] Heavy penalties were imposed on any outsiders trespassing on such hunting grounds or joint hunting territory.

The Ainu hunted bear, Ezo deer (a subspecies of sika deer), rabbit, fox, raccoon dog, and other animals. [102] [ self-published source? ] Ezo deer were a particularly important food resource for the Ainu, as were salmon. [103] They also hunted sea eagles such as white-tailed sea eagles, raven and other birds. [104] The Ainu hunted eagles to obtain their tail feathers, which they used in trade with the Japanese. [105]

The Ainu hunted with arrows and spears with poison-coated points. [106] They obtained the poison, called surku, from the roots and stalks of aconites. [107] The recipe for this poison was a household secret that differed from family to family. They enhanced the poison with mixtures of roots and stalks of dog's bane, boiled juice of Mekuragumo (a type of harvestman), Matsumomushi (Notonecta triguttata, a species of backswimmer), tobacco and other ingredients. They also used stingray stingers or skin covering stingers. [108]

They hunted in groups with dogs. [109] Before the Ainu went hunting, particularly for bear and similar animals, they prayed to the god of fire, the house guardian god, to convey their wishes for a large catch, and to the god of mountains for safe hunting. [110]

The Ainu usually hunted bear during the spring thaw. At that time, bears were weak because they had not fed at all during their long hibernation. Ainu hunters caught hibernating bears or bears that had just left hibernation dens. [111] When they hunted bear in summer, they used a spring trap loaded with an arrow, called an amappo. [111] The Ainu usually used arrows to hunt deer. [112] Also, they drove deer into a river or sea and shot them with arrows. For a large catch, a whole village would drive a herd of deer off a cliff and club them to death. [113]

Fishing Edit

Fishing was important for the Ainu. They largely caught trout, primarily in summer, and salmon in autumn, as well as "ito" (Japanese huchen), dace and other fish. Spears called "marek" were often used. Other methods were "tesh" fishing, "uray" fishing and "rawomap" fishing. Many villages were built near rivers or along the coast. Each village or individual had a definite river fishing territory. Outsiders could not freely fish there and needed to ask the owner. [114]

Ornaments Edit

Men wore a crown called sapanpe for important ceremonies. Sapanpe was made from wood fibre with bundles of partially shaved wood. This crown had wooden figures of animal gods and other ornaments on its centre. [115] Men carried an emush (ceremonial sword) [116] secured by an emush at strap to their shoulders. [117]

Women wore matanpushi, embroidered headbands, and ninkari, earrings. Ninkari was a metal ring with a ball. Matanpushi and ninkari were originally worn by men. Furthermore, aprons called maidari now are a part of women's formal clothes. However, some old documents say that men wore maidari. [118] Women sometimes wore a bracelet called tekunkani. [119]

Women wore a necklace called rektunpe, a long, narrow strip of cloth with metal plaques. [115] They wore a necklace that reached the breast called a tamasay or shitoki, usually made from glass balls. Some glass balls came from trade with the Asian continent. The Ainu also obtained glass balls secretly made by the Matsumae clan. [120]

Housing Edit

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A village is called a kotan in the Ainu language. Kotan were located in river basins and seashores where food was readily available, particularly in the basins of rivers through which salmon went upstream. A village consisted basically of a paternal clan. The average number of families was four to seven, rarely reaching more than ten. In the early modern times, the Ainu people were forced to labor at the fishing grounds of the Japanese. Ainu kotan were also forced to move near fishing grounds so that the Japanese could secure a labor force. When the Japanese moved to other fishing grounds, Ainu kotan were also forced to accompany them. As a result, the traditional kotan disappeared and large villages of several dozen families were formed around the fishing grounds. [ citation needed ]

Cise or cisey (houses) in a kotan were made of cogon grass, bamboo grass, bark, etc. The length lay east to west or parallel to a river. A house was about seven meters by five with an entrance at the west end that also served as a storeroom. The house had three windows, including the "rorun-puyar," a window located on the side facing the entrance (at the east side), through which gods entered and left and ceremonial tools were taken in and out. The Ainu have regarded this window as sacred and have been told never to look in through it. A house had a fireplace near the entrance. The husband and wife sat on the fireplace's left side (called shiso) . Children and guests sat facing them on the fireplace's right side (called harkiso). The house had a platform for valuables called iyoykir behind the shiso. The Ainu placed sintoko (hokai) and ikayop (quivers) there. [ citation needed ]

Outbuildings included separate lavatories for men called ashinru and for women called menokoru, a pu (storehouse) for food, a "heper set" (cage for young bear), and drying-racks for fish and wild plants. An altar (nusasan) faced the east side of the house (rorunpuyar). The Ainu held such ceremonies there as Iyomante, a ceremony to send the spirit of a bear to the gods. [121]

Ainu houses (from Popular Science Monthly Volume 33, 1888).

The family would gather around the fireplace.

Interior of the house of Ainu - Saru River basin.

Traditions Edit

The Ainu people had various types of marriage. A child was promised in marriage by arrangement between his or her parents and the parents of his or her betrothed or by a go-between. When the betrothed reached a marriageable age, they were told who their spouse was to be. There were also marriages based on mutual consent of both sexes. [122] In some areas, when a daughter reached a marriageable age, her parents let her live in a small room called tunpu annexed to the southern wall of her house. [123] The parents chose her spouse from men who visited her.

The age of marriage was 17 to 18 years of age for men and 15 to 16 years of age for women, [115] who were tattooed. At these ages, both sexes were regarded as adults. [124]

When a man proposed to a woman, he visited her house, ate half a full bowl of rice handed to him by her, and returned the rest to her. If the woman ate the rest, she accepted his proposal. If she did not and put it beside her, she rejected his proposal. [115] When a man became engaged to a woman or they learned that their engagement had been arranged, they exchanged gifts. He sent her a small engraved knife, a workbox, a spool, and other gifts. She sent him embroidered clothes, coverings for the back of the hand, leggings and other handmade clothes. [125]

The worn-out fabric of old clothing was used for baby clothes because soft cloth was good for the skin of babies and worn-out material protected babies from gods of illness and demons due to these gods' abhorrence of dirty things. Before a baby was breast-fed, they were given a decoction of the endodermis of alder and the roots of butterburs to discharge impurities. [126] Children were raised almost naked until about the ages of four to five. Even when they wore clothes, they did not wear belts and left the front of their clothes open. Subsequently, they wore bark clothes without patterns, such as attush, until coming of age.

Newborn babies were named ayay (a baby's crying), [127] shipo, poyshi (small excrement), and shion (old excrement). Children were called by these "temporary" names until the ages of two to three. They were not given permanent names when they were born. [127] Their tentative names had a portion meaning "excrement" or "old things" to ward off the demon of ill-health. Some children were named based on their behaviour or habits. Other children were named after impressive events or after parents' wishes for the future of the children. When children were named, they were never given the same names as others. [128]

Men wore loincloths and had their hair dressed properly for the first time at age 15–16. Women were also considered adults at the age of 15–16. They wore underclothes called mour [129] and had their hair dressed properly and wound waistcloths called raunkut and ponkut around their bodies. [130] When women reached age 12–13, the lips, hands and arms were tattooed. When they reached age 15–16, their tattoos were completed. Thus were they qualified for marriage. [124]

The Ainu are traditionally animists, believing that everything in nature has a kamuy (spirit or god) on the inside. The most important include Kamuy-huci , goddess of the hearth, Kim-un-kamuy , god of bears and mountains, and Repun Kamuy , god of the sea, fishing, and marine animals. [131] Kotan-kar-kamuy is regarded as the creator of the world in the Ainu religion. [132]

The Ainu have no priests by profession instead the village chief performs whatever religious ceremonies are necessary. Ceremonies are confined to making libations of sake, saying prayers, and offering willow sticks with wooden shavings attached to them. [95] These sticks are called inaw (singular) and nusa (plural).

They are placed on an altar used to "send back" the spirits of killed animals. Ainu ceremonies for sending back bears are called Iyomante. The Ainu people give thanks to the gods before eating and pray to the deity of fire in time of sickness. They believe that their spirits are immortal, and that their spirits will be rewarded hereafter by ascending to kamuy mosir (Land of the Gods). [95]

The Ainu are part of a larger collective of indigenous people who practice "arctolatry" or bear worship. The Ainu believe that the bear holds particular importance as Kim-un Kamuy 's chosen method of delivering the gift of the bear's hide and meat to humans.

John Batchelor reported that the Ainu view the world as being a spherical ocean on which float many islands, a view based on the fact that the sun rises in the east and sets in the west. He wrote that they believe the world rests on the back of a large fish, which when it moves causes earthquakes. [133]

Ainu assimilated into mainstream Japanese society have adopted Buddhism and Shintō, while some northern Ainu were converted as members of the Russian Orthodox Church. Regarding Ainu communities in Shikotanto ( 色丹 ) and other areas that fall within the Russian sphere of cultural influence, there have been cases of church construction as well as reports that some Ainu have decided to profess their Christian faith. [134] There have also been reports that the Russian Orthodox Church has performed some missionary projects in the Sakhalin Ainu community. However, not many people have converted and there are only reports of several persons who have converted. Converts have been scorned as "Nutsa Ainu" (Russian Ainu) by other members of the Ainu community. Even so, the reports indicate that many Ainu have kept their faith in the deities of ancient times. [135]

According to a 2012 survey conducted by Hokkaidō University, a high percentage of Ainu are members of their household family religion which is Buddhism (especially Nichiren Shōshū Buddhism). However, it is pointed out that similar to the Japanese religious consciousness, there is not a strong feeling of identification with a particular religion. [136]

Most Hokkaidō Ainu and some other Ainu are members of an umbrella group called the Hokkaidō Utari Association. It was originally controlled by the government to speed Ainu assimilation and integration into the Japanese nation-state. It now is run exclusively by Ainu and operates mostly independently of the government.

Other key institutions include The Foundation for Research and Promotion of Ainu Culture (FRPAC), set up by the Japanese government after enactment of the Ainu Culture Law in 1997, the Hokkaidō University Center for Ainu and Indigenous Studies [137] established in 2007, as well as museums and cultural centers. Ainu people living in Tokyo have also developed a vibrant political and cultural community. [138] [139]

Since late 2011, the Ainu have cultural exchange and cultural cooperation with the Sámi people of northern Europe. Both the Sámi and the Ainu participate in the organization for Arctic indigenous peoples and the Sámi research office in Lapland (Finland). [140]

Currently, there are several Ainu museums and cultural parks. The most famous are: [141]

Litigation Edit

On March 27, 1997, the Sapporo District Court decided a landmark case that, for the first time in Japanese history, recognized the right of the Ainu people to enjoy their distinct culture and traditions. The case arose because of a 1978 government plan to build two dams in the Saru River watershed in southern Hokkaidō. The dams were part of a series of development projects under the Second National Development Plan that were intended to industrialize the north of Japan. [142] The planned location for one of the dams was across the valley floor close to Nibutani village, [143] the home of a large community of Ainu people and an important center of Ainu culture and history. [144] In the early 1980s when the government commenced construction on the dam, two Ainu landowners refused to agree to the expropriation of their land. These landowners were Kaizawa Tadashi and Kayano Shigeru—well-known and important leaders in the Ainu community. [145] After Kaizawa and Kayano declined to sell their land, the Hokkaidō Development Bureau applied for and was subsequently granted a Project Authorization, which required the men to vacate their land. When their appeal of the Authorization was denied, Kayano and Kaizawa's son Koichii (Kaizawa died in 1992), filed suit against the Hokkaidō Development Bureau.

The final decision denied the relief sought by the plaintiffs for pragmatic reasons—the dam was already standing—but the decision was nonetheless heralded as a landmark victory for the Ainu people. In short, nearly all of the plaintiffs' claims were recognized. Moreover, the decision marked the first time Japanese case law acknowledged the Ainu as an indigenous people and contemplated the responsibility of the Japanese nation to the indigenous people within its borders. [143] : 442 The decision included broad fact-finding that underscored the long history of the oppression of the Ainu people by Japan's majority, referred to as Wa-Jin in the case and discussions about the case. [143] [146] The legal roots of the decision can be found in Article 13 of Japan's Constitution, which protects the rights of the individual, and in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. [147] [148] The decision was issued on March 27, 1997, and because of the broad implications for Ainu rights, the plaintiffs decided not to appeal the decision, which became final two weeks later. After the decision was issued, on May 8, 1997, the Diet passed the Ainu Culture Law and repealed the Ainu Protection Act—the 1899 law that had been the vehicle of Ainu oppression for almost one hundred years. [149] [150] While the Ainu Culture Law has been widely criticized for its shortcomings, the shift that it represents in Japan's view of the Ainu people is a testament to the importance of the Nibutani decision. In 2007 the 'Cultural Landscape along the Sarugawa River resulting from Ainu Tradition and Modern Settlement' was designated an Important Cultural Landscape. [151] A later action seeking restoration of Ainu assets held in trust by the Japanese Government was dismissed in 2008. [152]

Governmental advisory boards Edit

Much national policy in Japan has been developed out of the action of governmental advisory boards, known as shingikai ( 審議会 ) in Japanese. One such committee operated in the late 1990s, [153] and its work resulted in the 1997 Ainu Culture Law. [149] This panel's circumstances were criticized for including not even a single Ainu person among its members. [153]

More recently, a panel was established in 2006, which notably was the first time an Ainu person was included. It completed its work in 2008 issuing a major report that included an extensive historical record and called for substantial government policy changes towards the Ainu. [ citation needed ]

Formation of Ainu political party Edit

The Ainu Party ( アイヌ民族党 , Ainu minzoku tō) was founded on January 21, 2012, [154] after a group of Ainu activists in Hokkaidō announced the formation of a political party for the Ainu on October 30, 2011. The Ainu Association of Hokkaidō reported that Kayano Shiro, the son of the former Ainu leader Kayano Shigeru, will head the party. Their aim is to contribute to the realization of a multicultural and multiethnic society in Japan, along with rights for the Ainu. [155] [156]

Standard of living Edit

The Ainu have historically suffered from economic and social discrimination throughout Japan that continues to this day. The Japanese Government as well as people in contact with the Ainu, have in large part regarded them as a dirty, backwards and a primitive people. [157] The majority of Ainu were forced to be petty laborers during the Meiji Restoration, which saw the introduction of Hokkaidō into the Japanese Empire and the privatization of traditional Ainu lands. [158] The Japanese government during the 19th and 20th centuries denied the rights of the Ainu to their traditional cultural practices, most notably the right to speak their language, as well as their right to hunt and gather. [159] These policies were designed to fully integrate the Ainu into Japanese society with the cost of erasing Ainu culture and identity. The Ainu's position as manual laborers and their forced integration into larger Japanese society have led to discriminatory practices by the Japanese government that can still be felt today. [160] This discrimination and negative stereotypes assigned to the Ainu have manifested in the Ainu's lower levels of education, income levels and participation in the economy as compared to their ethnically Japanese counterparts. The Ainu community in Hokkaidō in 1993 received welfare payments at a 2.3 times higher rate, had an 8.9% lower enrollment rate from junior high school to high school and a 15.7% lower enrollment into college from high school than that of Hokkaidō as a whole. [158] The Japanese government has been lobbied by activists to research the Ainu's standard of living nationwide due to this noticeable and growing gap. The Japanese government will provide ¥7 million (US$63,000) beginning in 2015, to conduct surveys nationwide on this matter. [161]

The traditional locations of the Ainu are Hokkaido, Sakhalin, the Kuril Islands, Kamchatka, and the northern Tohoku region. Many of the place names that remain in Hokkaido and the Kuril Islands have a phonetic equivalent of the Ainu place names. [ citation needed ]

In 1756 CE, Mitsugu Nyui was a kanjō-bugyō (a high-ranking Edo period official responsible for finance) of the Hirosaki Domain in the Tsugaru Peninsula. He implemented an assimilation policy for Ainu who were engaged in fishing in the Tsugaru Peninsula. Since then, Ainu culture was rapidly lost from Honshu. [ citation needed ]

After the Treaty of Saint Petersburg (1875), most of the Ainu from the Kuril islands were moved to the island Shikotan by persuading the pioneers for difficult life supplies and for defense purposes (Kurishima Cruise Diary). [ citation needed ]

In 1945, the Soviet Union invaded Japan and occupied Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands. The Ainu who lived there were repatriated to their home country, Japan, except for those who indicated their willingness to remain. [162]

The population of the Ainu during the Edo period was a maximum of 26,800, but it has declined due to the epidemic of infectious diseases since it was regarded as a Tenryō territory.

According to the 1897 Russian census, 1,446 Ainu native speakers lived in Russian territory. [163]

Currently, there are no Ainu items in the Japanese national census, and no fact-finding has been conducted at national institutions. Therefore, the exact number of Ainu people is unknown. However, multiple surveys were conducted that provide an indication of the total population.

According to a 2006 Hokkaido Agency survey, there were 23,782 Ainu people in Hokkaido. [164] [165] When viewed by the branch office (currently the Promotion Bureau), there are many in the Iburi / Hidaka branch office. In addition, the definition of "Ainu" by the Hokkaido Agency in this survey is "a person who seems to have inherited the blood of Ainu" or "the same livelihood as those with marriage or adoption." Additionally, if it is denied that the other person is an Ainu then it is not subject to investigation.

According to a 1971 survey, there were 77,000 survey results. There is also a survey that the total number of Ainu living in Japan is 200,000. [1] However, there's no other survey that supports this estimate.

Many Ainu live outside Hokkaido. A 1988 survey estimated that the population of Ainu living in Tokyo was 2,700. [164] According to a 1989 survey report on Utari living in Tokyo, it is estimated that the area around Tokyo alone exceeds 10% of Ainu living in Hokkaido, and there are more than 10,000 Ainu living in the Tokyo metropolitan area.

In addition to Japan and Russia, it was reported in 1992 that there was a descendant of Kuril Ainu in Poland, but there are also indications that it is a descendant of the Aleut. [166] On the other hand, the descendant of the children born in Poland by the Polish anthropologist Bronisław Piłsudski, who was the leading Ainu researcher and left a vast amount of research material such as photographs and wax tubes, was born in Japan.

According to a 2017 survey, the Ainu population in Hokkaido is about 13,000. This has dropped sharply from 24,000 in 2006, but this is because the number of members of the Ainu Association of Hokkaido, which is cooperating with the survey, has decreased, and interest in protecting personal information has increased. It is thought that the number of people who cooperated is decreasing, and that it does not match the actual number of people. [167]

Subgroups Edit

These are unofficial sub groups of the Ainu people with location and population estimates. According to historical records and census only a small population of pure-blooded Ainu still exist. That amount continues to decrease. Many who claim Ainu heritage are multiracial.


Anthony Bourdain’s possessions to be auctioned off online

It wasn’t like Anthony Bourdain to skip a good meal.

When the star of “Parts Unknown” didn’t come down from his hotel room for a rustic French dinner Thursday night, it was the first sign something was very wrong.

“We thought it was strange,” waiter Maxime Voinson told the New York Times Saturday, recalling Bourdain’s no-show the night before his suicide.

“Mr. Ripert thought it was strange,” he added, referring to Eric Ripert, the renowned French chef who would find close friend Bourdain upstairs the next morning, hanged in his hotel bathroom.

Ripert, Bourdain and the crew of the CNN show had traveled early last week to the med­ieval village of Kayserberg in northeastern France to film an episode on Alsatian food.

They were staying at Le Chambard, a five-star hotel in a cozy, converted 18th-century mansion.

Pretty much every night, Bourdain and Ripert, the executive chef at Manhattan’s famed Le Bernadin, would dine together at the hotel’s quaint bistro, the Winstub, known for its foie gras and charcuterie.

“Mr. Bourdain knew the chef, Monsieur Nasti,” the waiter told the Times, referring to chef Oliver Nasti.

“He knew the kitchen,” the waiter recalled. “Maybe he went out and ate somewhere else, we said. But we didn’t think much of it.”

Bourdain and Ripert had also eaten breakfast together each morning, again at the Winstub’s big, distressed-wood tables.

The Le Chambard hotel in Kaysersberg, France AP

“Fresh bread, Viennese pastries, kouglof, panacota verrines, dried fruits,” the hotel lists as breakfast offerings. “Dried fruits, cold cuts, local cheese, fruit salad, butter, honey and a jar of Christine Ferber jam.”

But again, on Friday morning, Bourdain didn’t join him at the table.

“His friend was waiting at breakfast,” the waiter told the Times.

Also waiting, just down the road, was Bourdain’s camera crew.

Master butcher Christine Speisser told People magazine Saturday that the crew had set up to film at an outdoor market in nearby Strasbourg.

Speisser was to show Bourdain around the market, starting at 10 a.m.

“For me, it was something exceptional,” she told People.

“It was an honor to receive chef Bourdain.

“People knew he was coming to the market, and everything was in place, ready to film,” she said.

‘He is the last person in the world I’d imagine to do something like that.’

But back at the hotel, Bourdain wasn’t picking up his cellphone. It was 9:30 a.m.

Ripert got up from his table at the Winstub, where he had been set to choose from among the breads, pastries and local cheeses with his good friend.

French authorities say a receptionist ­unlocked Bourdain’s hotel room door.

Ripert found him “unresponsive,” CNN reported.

There were no other signs of violence to Bourdain’s body, local prosecutor Christian de Rocquigny said Saturday.

“There is no element that makes us suspect that someone came into the room at any moment,” the prosecutor added.

De Rocquigny also noted that the suicide appeared to have been an “impulsive act.”

Blood was drawn from the body, and results of screenings for drugs or other toxins will follow in coming days.

See also

Anthony Bourdain used the belt from his bathrobe to kill himself

“This is solely to give the family more information about the motivations and the cause of death,” de Rocquigny said of the screenings.

“We have no indication that he was consuming alcohol the days before his death or changed his behavior.”

“A visionary,” Nasti, the Chambard chef, would say Saturday of his lost guest and friend, offering his condolences to Bourdain’s family “and all those around the world who he caused to dream.”

Over at the outdoor market, Speisser continued to wait.

Then a production assistant rushed to the scene, announcing, “There’s a big problem.”

“It was like they were all struck by lightning,” Speisser told People magazine Saturday.

“They all just sat on the ground.”

“They didn’t say what was happening. They probably didn’t know everything,” Speisser’s friend Christelle Schenck, who had been there to help with the filming, told People.

Finally, “apparently, they need to cancel, we were told,” Schenck said.

“They said we’ll call you back.”

Anthony Bourdain at “Parts Unknown Last Bite” in Las Vegas in 2013. WireImage

The crew packed up and left the market.

Reached by The Post on Saturday, Bourdain’s mother, Gladys, 83, a longtime Times editor, could barely speak.

“It’s really too difficult,” she said.

“He was an incredible guy. I really can’t talk about him … He was brilliant and sharp and funny,” she said.

“He is the last person in the world I’d imagine to do something like that.”

Still, by many accounts, including Ripert’s, Bourdain had not been himself.

There was exhaustion — and darkness.

See also

Friends and colleagues remember Anthony Bourdain

Gladys Bourdain recalled Ripert telling her that “Tony had been in a dark mood these past couple of days,” Ripert told Bourdain’s mother Friday, according to the Times.

Anthony Bourdain had reportedly kept a brutal work schedule filming “Parts Unknown” in the months before his death and was “absolutely exhausted,” a source told People.

“​His travel schedule was grueling, and he often seemed quite beat-up from it, as anyone would be,” said the source, described by the magazine as having worked closely with Bourdain in the past year.

“He’d put everything into the shoots and then go back to his room to ­isolate.”

Tributes to Bourdain continued to pour in from around the world Saturday.

He had been a devoted student of jiujitsu. Champion Lucas ­Lepri, who trained Bourdain at his home in the Hamptons, recalled how his student surprised him one day with a home-cooked meal inspired by Lepri’s native Brazil.

“I was really moved because he cooked me a feijoada, which is a very special dish from Brazil, made with black beans and pork,” Lepri recalled.

“You have to be really devoted to cook a good feijoada, because you need to simmer the beans all day.

“Tony’s feijoada was incredible. He knew everything about Brazil and Brazilian food, and had traveled all over the country. He told me that the greatest Brazilian chefs came from Minas Gerais, my home state. He really moved me. I’ll never forget him.”

Jason Merder (left) and Anthony Bourdain Jason Merder

Jason Merder, Bourdain’s road manager from 2009 to 2013, remembered it wasn’t all fine dining with the celebrity chef.

“One of the funniest things was Tony’s craving for Popeye’s chicken,” he recalled.

“Every time we flew through Atlanta and had an hour between flights, I would get a look from him. And I was like, ‘All right, man, we’re going to Popeye’s.’

“It happened every single day, and it didn’t matter what time of day it was.”

Marilyn Hagerty was an octogenarian columnist for the Grand Forks Herald when her 2012 rave review for a new Olive Garden in her small South Dakota town went viral.

As trolls pounced, it was Bourdain who “came to my rescue,” she recalled.

He flew her to New York City, where they had coffee.

“He said he came to realize that what I do is a reflection of how people eat,” she said.

“I found him to be not a wild, reckless character of a person, as I had expected,” Hagerty told Time magazine. “He was nothing but kind and a gentleman.”


FICCI Woman Entrepreneur of the year, Patricia Narayan's tale may sound like the quintessential rags- to- riches story, but it is also a stark tale of survival. An entrepreneur by accident, director of Sandheepa Chain of Restaurants, Patricia belongs to the ilk of those who bloom in adversity.

“Till the FICCI award was announced, I never realised what I had achieved. It was an opportunity to look back.” says Ms. Patricia unassumingly, attributing her success to ‘lady luck'.Hailing from a conservative Christian family from Nagercoil, her marriage to a Brahmin caused an uproar in her family. Soon, all went downhill for Patricia who suffered abuse at the hands of her drug addict husband. At 18, Patricia was left to fend for herself and her two children.

“I reached the crossroads where I had to choose between living and dying. I chose to live.” Keeping her two children in mind, Patricia decided to fight her own battle. “My entire life has been driven by my determination to be independent.” Her passion for cooking only fuelled her will to survive. She started out by selling pickles, jams and squashes. From then on, there was no looking back and she set up a kiosk at the Marina beach, selling juice and cutlets. Her first- day sales would not count as memorable- she sold one cup of coffee for 50 paise- undeterred, she was back at the Marina next day.“I had no time to sympathise with myself. Soon, my hands were full and I was running all the time.”

Ms. Patricia's road to becoming a restaurateur was no overnight miracle but a journey spanning 30 years. She took up catering contracts in the cafeterias of the Slum Clearance Board, Bank of Madura and the National Institute of Port Management after which she forged a partnership with one of the restaurants of a leading hotel chain in Chennai.

Patricia's progress was halted briefly when tragedy struck in the form of her newly married daughter's death. A bereaved Patricia left her business to her son Praveen. After two years, the resilient woman came back and set up her first restaurant named after her daughter Sandheepa.

“Everybody should have a motto in life to succeed. At that time, mine was to stand by my son.”According to her, the hallmark of the restaurant is the home-made quality of the food. She advises entrepreneurs in the food sector never to compromise on quality or hygiene.

Ms. Patricia also operates an ambulance service from Acharapakkam, the spot of her daughter's accident to Chengalpet. “I shall never forget the sight of my daughter's corpse which arrived in the boot of a car, as the ambulance had refused to take her.” Willpower is the most important attribute to succeed, claims the entrepreneur. “When she sets her mind to something, she always achieves it,” her son Praveen asserts. Not a complacent entrepreneur, she sets targets for herself . Her next goal? “To operate a cruise liner,” a wish that was triggered off at an event in Tiruchi. Going by her record, this should be a cruise as well.


SpoilerTV - TV Spoilers

he Max Original MADE FOR LOVE debuts with three episodes on Thursday, April 1. The season continues with three episodes on April 8 and concludes with two episodes on April 15. Based on the novel by Alissa Nutting, the comedy series is a darkly absurd and cynically poignant story of love and divorce following Hazel Green (Cristin Milioti), a thirty-something woman on the run after 10 years in a suffocating marriage to Byron Gogol (Billy Magnussen), a controlling tech billionaire. Soon she discovers that her husband has implanted a monitoring device – the Made for Love chip – in her brain, allowing him to track her, watch her, and know her "emotional data" as she tries to regain her independence. Through the chip, Byron's able to watch Hazel's every move as she flees to her desert hometown to take refuge with her aging widower father Herbert (Ray Romano) and his synthetic partner, Diane.

MADE FOR LOVE stars Cristin Milioti, Billy Magnussen, Dan Bakkedahl, Noma Dumezweni, Augusto Aguilera, Caleb Foote and Ray Romano. The series is executive produced by Christina Lee, Alissa Nutting, Patrick Somerville, Dean Bakopoulos, Liza Chasin and SJ Clarkson. Christina Lee is showrunner and Paramount Television Studios is the studio. Stephanie Laing directed the pilot and is a Co-EP. The season was directed by Laing and Alethea Jones.

Max Original MADE FOR LOVE debuts this April on HBO Max. The comedy series is a darkly absurd and cynically poignant story of love and divorce. It follows Hazel Green (Cristin Milioti), a thirty-something woman on the run after 10 years in a suffocating marriage to Byron Gogol (Billy Magnussen), a controlling tech billionaire. Soon she discovers that her husband has implanted a monitoring device – the Made for Love chip – in her brain, allowing him to track her, watch her, and know her "emotional data" as she tries to regain her independence. Through the chip, Byron's able to watch Hazel's every move as she flees to her desert hometown to take refuge with her aging widower father Herbert (Ray Romano) and his synthetic partner, Diane.

MADE FOR LOVE stars Cristin Milioti, Billy Magnussen, Dan Bakkedahl, Noma Dumezweni, Augusto Aguilera and Ray Romano. Recurring guest stars include Caleb Foote, Kym Whitley, Nyasha Hatendi and Patti Harrison, and additional guest stars include Ione Skye, Jon Daly, Matty Cardarople, Mel Rodriguez and Sarunas Jackson.

The series is executive produced by Christina Lee, Alissa Nutting, Patrick Somerville, Dean Bakopoulos, Liza Chasin and SJ Clarkson. Christina Lee is showrunner and Paramount Television Studios is the studio.

A 10-episode, half-hour, series adaptation based on the tragicomic novel of the same name. Made for Love is a dark, absurd and cynically poignant story of divorce and revenge. The series shows how far some will go for love - and how much further others will go to destroy it.


Глобальная платформа для ваших кампаний

20 апреля 2020 года на официальном сайте ФГБУ НМИЦ онкологии им. Н. Н. Петрова Минздрава России была опубликована информация, что
Губернатор Санкт-Петербурга Беглов А. Д. хочет перепрофилировать НМИЦ онкологии им. Н. Н. Петрова в больницу для лечения пациентов с COVID-19

Центр Н. Н. Петрова один из последних открытых для приема и лечения пациентов всех видов и стадий онкологических заболеваний со всей России и стран СНГ. Ежемесячно в центре проходят лечение более 1200 человек, в том числе пожилые и дети.

Нас, пациентов, в мае 2020 года хотят выкинуть на улицу без продолжения лечения. В регионах соответсвующее высокотехнологичное лечение получить невозможно. А прерывание лечения по протоколам, утвержденным Минздравом РФ, угрожает жизни и здоровью.

В связи с этим мы просим вас поддержать петицию не перепрофилировать центр Н. Н. Петрова в больницу для лечения пациентов с коронавирусной инфекцией.

С госинспектора, защищавшего заповедник от браконьеров, сняли обвинения

Ветеран Зинаида Антоновна Корнеева получила награду от президента за вклад в благотворительность

Сбербанк адаптировал свой онлайн сервис для незрячих людей

Природный заказник "Воробьевы горы" спасен от коммерческой застройки


Environmental Impact of the Gold Rush

New mining methods and the population boom in the wake of the California Gold Rush permanently altered the landscape of California. The technique of hydraulic mining, developed in 1853, brought enormous profits but destroyed much of the region’s landscape. Dams designed to supply water to mine sites in summer altered the course of rivers away from farmland, while sediment from mines clogged others. The logging industry was born from the need to construct extensive canals and feed boilers at mines, further consuming natural resources. 


Watch the video: San Francisco woman takes date to dinner in Tokyo (July 2022).


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